I n t e r n a t i o n a l    Z e i t s c h r i f t

About · Submissions · Archived Issues · Literature & Book Archives · Home

Volume 4

June 2008

Number 1


Moving Forward in Burma
by Brent Sutherland

Burma caught the world’s attention for a brief moment again due the catastrophic Cyclone Nargis of May 3rd. So continues the usual cycle of Burma being in the news again for a week or two before the world’s attention goes elsewhere. The brutal suppression of the monk-led uprising in the fall 2007 and the inevitable regular renewal of Aung Sun Suu Kyi’s house arrest also provided opportunities for a few Burma headlines and a bit of hand-wringing.

     Aung Sung Suu Kyi has spent a total of twelve years under house arrest. The daughter of the Burmese independence leader General Aung Sung, Ms. Suu Kyi has in theory been prime minister-elect since 1990 but her election led to the imposition of martial law. Her father had been allied with Japanese military expansion until 1944, when he read the writing on the wall and took up arms against the Japanese Imperial Army. After the surrender of the Japanese General Aung Sung ended his brief alliance with the then returned British colonial masters of Burma, and began to agitate for independence. In the spring of 1947 independence was achieved, but General Aung Sung was assassinated by a Burmese rival in July of that year. Thus both father and daughter earned their positions as leaders of the Burmese people, but never actually lead. It’s arguable that both remain heroes of the Burmese people because they were unsullied by the day to day problems of running the country, but it’s inarguable Ms. Suu Kyi has inherited her father’s paladinic status.

     The international community has been shocked and appalled by the regime’s shambolic handling of the natural disaster. In fact, the regime has used the death of tens of thousands of its own citizens to further entrench its power by pushing through a referendum on its rule and taking credit for the distribution of the little aid that gets through. If it took Cyclone Nargris to make the international community notice the utter moral bankruptcy of the Burmese regime, then they haven’t really been watching. This is a regime that once called itself the “State Law and Order Commission” until they realized that the Orwellian acronym SLORC was reminiscent of fictional organizations such as SPECTRE and KAOS. In 1997 the quite plausible prospect of their organization (or lack thereof) being confused with Bondish bad guys led them to change their title to another oxymoron, “State Peace and Development Council”. The SPDC has taken it upon itself to re-name the country Myanmyar (it’s pre-colonial name that didn’t bother those who actually led the nation out of colonialism) and move its capital to the mountain redoubt of Pyinmana in the typical totalitarian manner of erasing history and governing from bunkers. Burma was once the world’s largest rice exporter, but now recruitment of child soldiers and forced labour is about all Burma comes in at the top of the list of.

     Cyclone Nargris has once and for all exposed the SPDC as an authoritarian regime that does not even posses the “make the trains run on time” efficiency that apologists for such regimes usually claim. In fact it is precisely the policies of the regime that keep petroleum laden Burma mired in poverty while its neighbours enjoy “tiger” economies. To add to Burma’s misery there is an on again/off again civil war between armed factions of the Shan ethnic minority and the Burmese army. Ms. Suu Kyi’s National Leauge for Democracy does agree with the SPDC that Shan independence is out of the question. The would-be leader of an independent Shan state; Crown Prince Hso Khan Fa, currently resides in Edmonton. He advocates Quebec-style autonomy for the Shan, but few are listening. Ironically he is a petroleum engineer exiled from a nation that could well use some.

     After Cyclone Nargris there were again glib calls for the international community to “do something” about Burma. It’s somewhat unclear what that “something” would be. Suggestions ranged from the very likely to be ineffectual dropping of aid from aircraft more or less at random, to a UN Security Council Resolution that the regime cooperate fully with aid efforts, to a wholesale invasion. Apparently assisting the Shan factions who actually are fighting the Burmese army is not as sexy an idea as parachuting commandos into the SPDC’s lair once the Security Council signs their death warrant. In fact any meanignful Security Council Resolution would undoubtebly be vetoed by Burma’s Chinese allies. The prospect of Burma becoming a liberal democracy frightens China’s rulers much more than the disgrace of the onstensibly socialist Peoples Republic enabling what can only be described as a fascist regime. The final irony is that the SPDC brand of fascism/militarism presently propped up by China can trace its roots to the same Japanese facism/militarism that led to the deaths of about twenty million Chinese! China protects the SPDC despite the fact that they most likely find them an exasperating client state much like North Korea. This is the same dynamic that prevents the Security Council from taking any meaningful action against Sudan.

     To provide political cover Burma enlisted the Association of South East Asian Nations to distribute aid. The ASEAN effort got of to a slow start with the Royal Thai Air Force attempting to render at least one of their dozen C-130s airworthy. In contrast the USS Essex was denied permission to land in Burma, or even utulize her twenty or so helicopters. The frustration of the crew of the same vessel that has a proud history of delivering humanitarian assistance to such places as East Timor and Aceh can only be imagined. Eventually some aid did get through, but the ASEAN effort was no where near as timely or effective as an unhindered international effort could have been. That ASEAN would act as a enabler for the SPDC is not suprising. ASEAN has a long history of delivering only the midlest of rebukes to the SPDC. The nations that comprise ASEAN all something in common with the SPDC-Thailand is ruled by a military junta albeit a user-friendly one, Singapore is hardly a democracy although the trains do run on time, and Indonesia and Malaysia have human rights issues of their own. Thus it’s naïve to think that ASEAN will ever deal effectively with this problem in their own backyard. As it is, SPDC leader General Than Shwe is said to regularly travel to Singapore for medical care and to take care of his personal finances.

     However the same internationalist crowd that once invoked the responsibility to protect in Burma has learned to like the token ASEAN effort. To actually go before the Security Council and then inevitably be rebuffed by China would expose the empty internationalist posturing of the likes of Michael Ignatieff and the European Parliment. In fact in January 2007 China and Russia vetoed a resolution requiring the restoration of democracy to Burma. It seems the principle of democracy is for the back pages, but get in the way of crusading NGOs bearing rice and its front page news. At least George W. Bush had the political acumen to ask only for the vaguely worded Resolution 1440 before proceeding with the invasion of Iraq, the guileless supporters of Burmese democracy apparently want to go back to the Security Council for more abuse. What happens after China delivers another big “NO” to those who feel the Security Council is the answer to Burma’s problems? Obviously that would vindicate those who feel the United Nations is merely a cozy club for dictators. Therefore the token ASEAN effort succeeded in its mission of providing political cover by forestalling a hopeless appeal to the Security Council.

     Nevertheless there is something positive that could be done for Burma’s future. A group could be formed to specifically address the issue of Burma. The six-party talks with North Korea produced positive results the same sort of approach might work in Burma. If the United States, China, Japan, Australia, Singapore and Thailand worked together they could produce positive results, if not democracy per se in Burma. Japanese firms have not withdrawn completely from Burma and Aung Sun Syu Ki is still considered her father’s daughter by rightist elements in Japan. Thus Japan has a fair bit of leverage with the SPDC. In fact, the risk of offending long-time associates in Tokyo may be what has kept the regime from physically harming Ms. Suu Kyi all these years. China may not want to see a liberal democracy in Burma, but the status quo has to be an embarrassment to them. Obviously a situation where Burma was “open for business” and could develop their resources would be in their interest.

     Patient (if belated) diplomacy by Australia at long last resulted in independence for East Timor and I feel Australia could once again be called on to try to make a positive difference in the region. The East Timor outcome greatly enhanced the image of Australian diplomacy in the region and new Prime Minister Kevin Rudd seems eager to test his mettle on the world stage. Thailand would obviously prefer to have a peaceful and prosperous neighbor and King Bhumibol has the same sort of moral authority that Ms. Suu Kyi posseses. Futhermore Thailand is the nation that is actually most directly affected by the Shan uprising in the form of refugees. It seems many Shan prefer working for very little pay in Thailand, to working for no pay in Burma. Singapore has an ongoing relationship with the SPDC and would very much like to see the invesment climate in Burma improve. The United States giving its blessing to investment in Burma would do more than anything else to facilitate that, and there would be no shortage of oppourtunities once Burma has even a halfway respectable government.

     General Shwe and his immediate cronies may be comfortable with their present isolation, but other elements in the army may not be. Unlike the toothless ASEAN or hamstrung UN, a Burmese engagement group could offer real incentives and threaten real repercussions to the SPDC. An assurance of comfortable exile and access to their loot may have to be tolerated, as much as they deserve to swing at the end of a rope. Ms. Suu Kyi is on record as being willing to work with anyone in the SPDC who is willing to work with her, and it’s reasonable to assume she is as much of a pragmatist as her father was. Consequently she might be to work with a younger generation of army officers in a process that would see at the very least a beneveloent, rather than an utterly loathsome junta in charge. At the same time a process could be commenced to deal with the issue of Shan autonomy.

     Ultimately Burma is an inherently wealthy country that has been reduced to poverty by bad government, and further impoverished by the sanctions that have been imposed against that government. In order for Burma to move forward there has to be a coordinated, consistent and patient diplomatic effort that is specifically concerned with Burma’s future. Empty posturing whenever Burma happens to make the news due to the latest natural or human-caused disaster will not achieve anything.

Google
 

We believe the following organizations are making a difference for the better in this world and encourage you to consider supporting them.


Oxfam International

Red Cross International

World Vision International


Copyright 2008 International Zeitschrift